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  • Gavrilo Princip

    In the north-west part of Bosnia named Krajina—remote and poor even by Bosnian standards—Petar and Nana Princip eked out a living on a four-acre, hard-scrabble farm that had been in the family for generations. On July 13, 1894, Nana Princip gave birth to a son. The baby was underweight and sickly and not expected to live. But the infant Gavrilo—so-named because he was born on St. Gabriel’s day—defied the expectations of his parents and relatives and survived. His small size and frail constitution kept him mostly indoors and by the time he was ten years old, he had become a voracious reader.
    At age thirteen his older brother Jovo enrolled him in a commercial school where he was considered a good student. It was here that Gavrilo Princip began reading literature that was not on the curriculum as well as listening to Vladimir Gacinovitch who, as a member of the Black Hand, had organized a secret society near Sarajevo. (Trotsky once described Gacinovitch as “one of those types who are born to provoke a feeling of unease amongst orderly people”)

    In 1910, the attempted assassination of the (Austrian) Governor of Bosnia galvanized the Greater Serbia movement. After a night-long vigil at the assassin’s grave, Gavrilo Princip, his immature emotions ablaze with a potent mix of Marxism, Anarchism, and dreams of a greater Serbia, swore that some day, he, too, would become a martyr for Serbia.
    An opportunity to translate his solemn vow into action came in the middle of March, 1914, when Princip read in a German newspaper that Archduke Ferdinand, accompanied by his wife, would visit Sarajevo at the end of June to attend Austrian army maneuvers in Bosnia. Princip decided that his moment had come. He enlisted two close comrades, Cabrinovitch and Grabez, who swore to one another that they would carry out the plot come what may. For money and weapons, the trio approached Milan Ciganovitch, who in turn, introduced them to Major Voja Tankositch, a grizzled guerrilla chieftain and close friend of Apis to whom Tankositch duly reported:

    “Dragutin, there are several Bosnian youths who are pestering me. Those kids want at any cost to perform some great deed. They have heard that Franz Ferdinand will come to Bosnia for maneuvers and have begged me to let them go there. What do you say . . . I have told them they cannot go, but they give me no peace."


    After some hesitation, Apis replied: “Fine Silja. Let them go.” But after considering the extreme youth and inexperience of the would-be assassins, Apis had second thoughts. He much preferred to employ Tankositch’s seasoned guerrillas for the crucial task of murdering the Austrian Archduke. He later recalled:

    "When I, after some time, thought a little more about this, I decided to try to return the youths who had left and in every way to prevent the assassination. This attempt was made through the guerrilla, Djuro Sarac."

    The message to cease and desist was duly delivered, but Princip and Co categorically refused to abandon their plans. Faced with the fact that Princip intended to go forward with or without help, Apis resigned himself to Princip’s group and put his chief agent, Malobabic, in charge.
    The trio was now supplied with four Browning pistols, four loaded reserve magazines, and six bombs loaded with nails. They were instructed in the use of the weapons and how best to position themselves along Ferdinand’s parade route. Thus prepared, Princip, Gabrez, and Cabrinovitch headed for Sarajevo where—after a comedy of errors worthy of the Marx Brothers—they duly arrived on June 4. Malobabic’s agents meanwhile, had managed to round up further youthful assassins in the mold of Princip. This was not difficult in view of the extreme and inflammatory rhetoric then being employed by Greater-Serbia propagandists. Not untypical was the following which appeared in December, 1913, in the Srboban, a Serb émigré newspaper in Zagreb:

    "If the heir to the throne goes to Bosnia, we will see that he pays for it . . . Serbs, make use of every available weapon, daggers, guns, bombs and dynamite. Death to the Hapsburg dynasty! The memory of those heroes who rise up against it will live forever!"


    On a sparkling Sunday morning, June 28, 1914, the Archduke’s special train pulled into the gaily decorated Sarajevo station. After a short welcoming speech by the Governor of Bosnia and a review of the honour guard, the procession of cars set off for the Town Hall.
    The parade route was blanketed by no fewer than nine young assassins with varying degrees of resolve. As the Archduke’s open car moved along the Appel Quay at fifteen m.p.h., the first two assassins failed to act—”When I saw the Archduke I could not bring myself to kill him”—but moments later, Cabrinovitch took out his bomb, banged it smartly against a signpost, and hurled it at the Archduke. Missing him by inches, the bomb bounced off the back of the car and exploded on the roadway. A number of people were slightly wounded by flying bomb fragments and Cabrinovitch was hustled off to jail. After formalities at the Town Hall had been concluded, the procession once again set off along the Appel Quay.

    Not realizing that the Archduke’s route had been changed as a result of Cabrinovitch’s attempt, Princip had stationed himself on Franz Joseph Strasse. Almost as if fate willed it, the procession mistakenly turned right on Franz Joseph Strasse instead of proceeding straight on the Appel Quay. When the mistake was realized, the procession stopped and prepared to make a U-turn to return to the Appel Quay. Less than five feet away, in front of Schiller’s delicatessen stood Gavrilo Princip. This was the moment he had rehearsed in his mind a thousand times. Describing himself later as “greatly agitated” and that a “strange feeling” came over him, Princip raised the Browning pistol and without taking aim—”I had turned my head away”—fired two shots in quick succession. Sophie was hit first, Franz Ferdinand was struck in the neck. Half an hour later, both were dead.

    The assassins themselves were quickly rounded up and put on trial in Sarajevo on October 12, surrounded by the European conflagration they had ignited—German army units were within fifty miles of Sarajevo. There were twenty-five accused, all of whom pleaded guilty except Gavrilo Princip: “I am not a criminal because I have killed a man who has done wrong. I think I have done right.” Grabez and Cabrinovitch both stated that they would not have participated had they foreseen the consequences, but Princip remained utterly unrepentant: “I killed him and I am not sorry. I regarded him as an energetic man who as ruler would have carried through definite ideas and reforms which stood in our way.”

    Asked if he had anything to say on the last day of the trial, Princip reiterated that he, Grabez, and Cabrinovitch alone were responsible. His last words to the court were: “We have loved the people. I have nothing to say in my defense.” The trio was sentenced to the maximum term of twenty years. They were spared the death penalty because they were minors at the time of the crime. All three died in prison of tuberculosis some two years later.
    "We have met the enemy and he is us." Pogo

  • #2
    Originally posted by peterhof View Post
    In the north-west part of Bosnia named Krajina—remote and poor even by Bosnian standards—Petar and Nana Princip eked out a living on a four-acre, hard-scrabble farm that had been in the family for generations. On July 13, 1894, Nana Princip gave birth to a son. The baby was underweight and sickly and not expected to live. But the infant Gavrilo—so-named because he was born on St. Gabriel’s day—defied the expectations of his parents and relatives and survived. His small size and frail constitution kept him mostly indoors and by the time he was ten years old, he had become a voracious reader.
    At age thirteen his older brother Jovo enrolled him in a commercial school where he was considered a good student. It was here that Gavrilo Princip began reading literature that was not on the curriculum as well as listening to Vladimir Gacinovitch who, as a member of the Black Hand, had organized a secret society near Sarajevo. (Trotsky once described Gacinovitch as “one of those types who are born to provoke a feeling of unease amongst orderly people”)

    In 1910, the attempted assassination of the (Austrian) Governor of Bosnia galvanized the Greater Serbia movement. After a night-long vigil at the assassin’s grave, Gavrilo Princip, his immature emotions ablaze with a potent mix of Marxism, Anarchism, and dreams of a greater Serbia, swore that some day, he, too, would become a martyr for Serbia.
    An opportunity to translate his solemn vow into action came in the middle of March, 1914, when Princip read in a German newspaper that Archduke Ferdinand, accompanied by his wife, would visit Sarajevo at the end of June to attend Austrian army maneuvers in Bosnia. Princip decided that his moment had come. He enlisted two close comrades, Cabrinovitch and Grabez, who swore to one another that they would carry out the plot come what may. For money and weapons, the trio approached Milan Ciganovitch, who in turn, introduced them to Major Voja Tankositch, a grizzled guerrilla chieftain and close friend of Apis to whom Tankositch duly reported:

    “Dragutin, there are several Bosnian youths who are pestering me. Those kids want at any cost to perform some great deed. They have heard that Franz Ferdinand will come to Bosnia for maneuvers and have begged me to let them go there. What do you say . . . I have told them they cannot go, but they give me no peace."


    After some hesitation, Apis replied: “Fine Silja. Let them go.” But after considering the extreme youth and inexperience of the would-be assassins, Apis had second thoughts. He much preferred to employ Tankositch’s seasoned guerrillas for the crucial task of murdering the Austrian Archduke. He later recalled:

    "When I, after some time, thought a little more about this, I decided to try to return the youths who had left and in every way to prevent the assassination. This attempt was made through the guerrilla, Djuro Sarac."

    The message to cease and desist was duly delivered, but Princip and Co categorically refused to abandon their plans. Faced with the fact that Princip intended to go forward with or without help, Apis resigned himself to Princip’s group and put his chief agent, Malobabic, in charge.
    The trio was now supplied with four Browning pistols, four loaded reserve magazines, and six bombs loaded with nails. They were instructed in the use of the weapons and how best to position themselves along Ferdinand’s parade route. Thus prepared, Princip, Gabrez, and Cabrinovitch headed for Sarajevo where—after a comedy of errors worthy of the Marx Brothers—they duly arrived on June 4. Malobabic’s agents meanwhile, had managed to round up further youthful assassins in the mold of Princip. This was not difficult in view of the extreme and inflammatory rhetoric then being employed by Greater-Serbia propagandists. Not untypical was the following which appeared in December, 1913, in the Srboban, a Serb émigré newspaper in Zagreb:

    "If the heir to the throne goes to Bosnia, we will see that he pays for it . . . Serbs, make use of every available weapon, daggers, guns, bombs and dynamite. Death to the Hapsburg dynasty! The memory of those heroes who rise up against it will live forever!"


    On a sparkling Sunday morning, June 28, 1914, the Archduke’s special train pulled into the gaily decorated Sarajevo station. After a short welcoming speech by the Governor of Bosnia and a review of the honour guard, the procession of cars set off for the Town Hall.
    The parade route was blanketed by no fewer than nine young assassins with varying degrees of resolve. As the Archduke’s open car moved along the Appel Quay at fifteen m.p.h., the first two assassins failed to act—”When I saw the Archduke I could not bring myself to kill him”—but moments later, Cabrinovitch took out his bomb, banged it smartly against a signpost, and hurled it at the Archduke. Missing him by inches, the bomb bounced off the back of the car and exploded on the roadway. A number of people were slightly wounded by flying bomb fragments and Cabrinovitch was hustled off to jail. After formalities at the Town Hall had been concluded, the procession once again set off along the Appel Quay.

    Not realizing that the Archduke’s route had been changed as a result of Cabrinovitch’s attempt, Princip had stationed himself on Franz Joseph Strasse. Almost as if fate willed it, the procession mistakenly turned right on Franz Joseph Strasse instead of proceeding straight on the Appel Quay. When the mistake was realized, the procession stopped and prepared to make a U-turn to return to the Appel Quay. Less than five feet away, in front of Schiller’s delicatessen stood Gavrilo Princip. This was the moment he had rehearsed in his mind a thousand times. Describing himself later as “greatly agitated” and that a “strange feeling” came over him, Princip raised the Browning pistol and without taking aim—”I had turned my head away”—fired two shots in quick succession. Sophie was hit first, Franz Ferdinand was struck in the neck. Half an hour later, both were dead.

    The assassins themselves were quickly rounded up and put on trial in Sarajevo on October 12, surrounded by the European conflagration they had ignited—German army units were within fifty miles of Sarajevo. There were twenty-five accused, all of whom pleaded guilty except Gavrilo Princip: “I am not a criminal because I have killed a man who has done wrong. I think I have done right.” Grabez and Cabrinovitch both stated that they would not have participated had they foreseen the consequences, but Princip remained utterly unrepentant: “I killed him and I am not sorry. I regarded him as an energetic man who as ruler would have carried through definite ideas and reforms which stood in our way.”

    Asked if he had anything to say on the last day of the trial, Princip reiterated that he, Grabez, and Cabrinovitch alone were responsible. His last words to the court were: “We have loved the people. I have nothing to say in my defense.” The trio was sentenced to the maximum term of twenty years. They were spared the death penalty because they were minors at the time of the crime. All three died in prison of tuberculosis some two years later.
    Nice people these Serbians, do they not realize that their economy has been ruined by the Balkan wars? Why were these people not put into jail, at the first inkling of violence? That said, why did Austria stir up a hornet's nest by annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina? The area was a seething cauldron, which they should have stayed away from.
    When looking for the reason why things go wrong, never rule out stupidity, Murphy's Law Nº 8
    Those who do not remember history are doomed to repeat it. George Santayana
    "Ach du schwein" a German parrot captured at Bukoba GEA the only prisoner taken

    Comment


    • #3
      Originally posted by peterhof View Post
      In the north-west part of Bosnia named Krajina—remote and poor even by Bosnian standards—Petar and Nana Princip eked out a living on a four-acre, hard-scrabble farm that had been in the family for generations. On July 13, 1894, Nana Princip gave birth to a son. The baby was underweight and sickly and not expected to live. But the infant Gavrilo—so-named because he was born on St. Gabriel’s day—defied the expectations of his parents and relatives and survived. His small size and frail constitution kept him mostly indoors and by the time he was ten years old, he had become a voracious reader.
      At age thirteen his older brother Jovo enrolled him in a commercial school where he was considered a good student. It was here that Gavrilo Princip began reading literature that was not on the curriculum as well as listening to Vladimir Gacinovitch who, as a member of the Black Hand, had organized a secret society near Sarajevo. (Trotsky once described Gacinovitch as “one of those types who are born to provoke a feeling of unease amongst orderly people”)

      In 1910, the attempted assassination of the (Austrian) Governor of Bosnia galvanized the Greater Serbia movement. After a night-long vigil at the assassin’s grave, Gavrilo Princip, his immature emotions ablaze with a potent mix of Marxism, Anarchism, and dreams of a greater Serbia, swore that some day, he, too, would become a martyr for Serbia.
      An opportunity to translate his solemn vow into action came in the middle of March, 1914, when Princip read in a German newspaper that Archduke Ferdinand, accompanied by his wife, would visit Sarajevo at the end of June to attend Austrian army maneuvers in Bosnia. Princip decided that his moment had come. He enlisted two close comrades, Cabrinovitch and Grabez, who swore to one another that they would carry out the plot come what may. For money and weapons, the trio approached Milan Ciganovitch, who in turn, introduced them to Major Voja Tankositch, a grizzled guerrilla chieftain and close friend of Apis to whom Tankositch duly reported:

      “Dragutin, there are several Bosnian youths who are pestering me. Those kids want at any cost to perform some great deed. They have heard that Franz Ferdinand will come to Bosnia for maneuvers and have begged me to let them go there. What do you say . . . I have told them they cannot go, but they give me no peace."


      After some hesitation, Apis replied: “Fine Silja. Let them go.” But after considering the extreme youth and inexperience of the would-be assassins, Apis had second thoughts. He much preferred to employ Tankositch’s seasoned guerrillas for the crucial task of murdering the Austrian Archduke. He later recalled:

      "When I, after some time, thought a little more about this, I decided to try to return the youths who had left and in every way to prevent the assassination. This attempt was made through the guerrilla, Djuro Sarac."

      The message to cease and desist was duly delivered, but Princip and Co categorically refused to abandon their plans. Faced with the fact that Princip intended to go forward with or without help, Apis resigned himself to Princip’s group and put his chief agent, Malobabic, in charge.
      The trio was now supplied with four Browning pistols, four loaded reserve magazines, and six bombs loaded with nails. They were instructed in the use of the weapons and how best to position themselves along Ferdinand’s parade route. Thus prepared, Princip, Gabrez, and Cabrinovitch headed for Sarajevo where—after a comedy of errors worthy of the Marx Brothers—they duly arrived on June 4. Malobabic’s agents meanwhile, had managed to round up further youthful assassins in the mold of Princip. This was not difficult in view of the extreme and inflammatory rhetoric then being employed by Greater-Serbia propagandists. Not untypical was the following which appeared in December, 1913, in the Srboban, a Serb émigré newspaper in Zagreb:

      "If the heir to the throne goes to Bosnia, we will see that he pays for it . . . Serbs, make use of every available weapon, daggers, guns, bombs and dynamite. Death to the Hapsburg dynasty! The memory of those heroes who rise up against it will live forever!"


      On a sparkling Sunday morning, June 28, 1914, the Archduke’s special train pulled into the gaily decorated Sarajevo station. After a short welcoming speech by the Governor of Bosnia and a review of the honour guard, the procession of cars set off for the Town Hall.
      The parade route was blanketed by no fewer than nine young assassins with varying degrees of resolve. As the Archduke’s open car moved along the Appel Quay at fifteen m.p.h., the first two assassins failed to act—”When I saw the Archduke I could not bring myself to kill him”—but moments later, Cabrinovitch took out his bomb, banged it smartly against a signpost, and hurled it at the Archduke. Missing him by inches, the bomb bounced off the back of the car and exploded on the roadway. A number of people were slightly wounded by flying bomb fragments and Cabrinovitch was hustled off to jail. After formalities at the Town Hall had been concluded, the procession once again set off along the Appel Quay.

      Not realizing that the Archduke’s route had been changed as a result of Cabrinovitch’s attempt, Princip had stationed himself on Franz Joseph Strasse. Almost as if fate willed it, the procession mistakenly turned right on Franz Joseph Strasse instead of proceeding straight on the Appel Quay. When the mistake was realized, the procession stopped and prepared to make a U-turn to return to the Appel Quay. Less than five feet away, in front of Schiller’s delicatessen stood Gavrilo Princip. This was the moment he had rehearsed in his mind a thousand times. Describing himself later as “greatly agitated” and that a “strange feeling” came over him, Princip raised the Browning pistol and without taking aim—”I had turned my head away”—fired two shots in quick succession. Sophie was hit first, Franz Ferdinand was struck in the neck. Half an hour later, both were dead.

      The assassins themselves were quickly rounded up and put on trial in Sarajevo on October 12, surrounded by the European conflagration they had ignited—German army units were within fifty miles of Sarajevo. There were twenty-five accused, all of whom pleaded guilty except Gavrilo Princip: “I am not a criminal because I have killed a man who has done wrong. I think I have done right.” Grabez and Cabrinovitch both stated that they would not have participated had they foreseen the consequences, but Princip remained utterly unrepentant: “I killed him and I am not sorry. I regarded him as an energetic man who as ruler would have carried through definite ideas and reforms which stood in our way.”

      Asked if he had anything to say on the last day of the trial, Princip reiterated that he, Grabez, and Cabrinovitch alone were responsible. His last words to the court were: “We have loved the people. I have nothing to say in my defense.” The trio was sentenced to the maximum term of twenty years. They were spared the death penalty because they were minors at the time of the crime. All three died in prison of tuberculosis some two years later.
      He died 28/4/1918, which is considerably more than some two years later. Trifko Grabez also died in 1918.

      Anyway, what was the point?

      Comment


      • #4
        Given the nature of some of the arguments proffered on similar topics, I am surprised that it has not been revealed that Princip and his henchmen were actually agents of the British Secret Service, commissioned to ferment trouble in the Balkans .
        "I dogmatise and am contradicted, and in this conflict of opinions and sentiments I find delight".
        Samuel Johnson.

        Comment


        • #5
          Originally posted by BELGRAVE View Post
          Given the nature of some of the arguments proffered on similar topics, I am surprised that it has not been revealed that Princip and his henchmen were actually agents of the British Secret Service, commissioned to ferment trouble in the Balkans .
          At the specific behest of Winston Churchill no doubt.

          Comment


          • #6
            Originally posted by The Ibis View Post
            At the specific behest of Winston Churchill no doubt.

            No, Poincare and Sazanov. Who were both British agents

            Comment


            • #7
              Serbian way of thinking defies logic
              It is always more difficult to fight against faith than against knowledge.

              Косово је Србија!
              Never go to war with a country whose national holiday celebrates a defeat in 1389.

              Armored Brigade

              Armored Brigade Facebook page

              Comment


              • #8
                I read once that one of the weapons seized was a grenade from a Serbian arsenal. Naturally it was so stamped. Why the Black Hand would use such a weapon, I can't say.

                Pruitt
                Pruitt, you are truly an expert! Kelt06

                Have you been struck by the jawbone of an ASS lately?

                by Khepesh "This is the logic of Pruitt"

                Comment


                • #9
                  Originally posted by Pruitt View Post
                  I read once that one of the weapons seized was a grenade from a Serbian arsenal. Naturally it was so stamped. Why the Black Hand would use such a weapon, I can't say.

                  Pruitt
                  Please,not again. If Glenn see this,it will be the end.

                  It is well known Youth Bosnia was supported by elements of Serbian society. Including officers like Apis. They provided arms and training to liberate Bosnia. But discussion common here is if they were rogue elements (historically accepted) or supported even by government?

                  To a foreigner,it can seem so. But when observed and studied in a broader light,over a long time span starting with Herzegovina uprising of 1875-1878,occupation of Bosnia,1903 coup,annexation,Black Hand relations with leading figures in Serbian government,to Apis demise in 1917,and eventual execution it is clear that nobody wanted the war with Austria or that Apis was certainly not Pasic or King trusted man .Glenn advocated that Serbia knew Russia would join the fray,but Serbs were not idiots.We already got ourself burned earlier,and it was not secret that Russia was becoming weak. Apis probably hoped to fund some kind of revolt,but he was certainly not ordered by the government.
                  It is always more difficult to fight against faith than against knowledge.

                  Косово је Србија!
                  Never go to war with a country whose national holiday celebrates a defeat in 1389.

                  Armored Brigade

                  Armored Brigade Facebook page

                  Comment


                  • #10
                    Originally posted by Nickuru View Post
                    Nice people these Serbians, do they not realize that their economy has been ruined by the Balkan wars? Why were these people not put into jail, at the first inkling of violence? That said, why did Austria stir up a hornet's nest by annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina? The area was a seething cauldron, which they should have stayed away from.
                    At the Congress of Berlin in June, 1878, Austria-Hungary was given administrative control of the Serb-populated provinces of Bosnia-Herzegovina. It was here that Isvolsky would first learn to wield the weapon of pan-Slav nationalism - his particular specialty. Serbian nationalist societies were founded; anti-Austrian literature was widely distributed; Greater-Serbia propagandists had free reign, and assassination attempts became commonplace.
                    By 1908, unrest in the provinces had reached such a pitch that stability in Austria itself was threatened. Austria was faced with the choice of annexing the provinces so that Austrian law could be brought to bear, or watching the situation spin out of control. It was an unhappy choice as annexation would be unpopular with the Powers and would mean certain war with Serbia and possibly Russia. But when Isvolsky came forward with his grand bargain: Bosnia/Hercegovina in return for Russian ship passage through the Straits, Aehrenthal saw his chance. The rest, as they say, is history.
                    "We have met the enemy and he is us." Pogo

                    Comment


                    • #11
                      When A-H took control of B-H, there was no Serbian country. Both were a province of the Ottoman Empire. Serbia became sort of a utopian ideal for Serbs not living there. "Greater Serbia" was the goal of the Serbs. Nevermind that most of the areas with Serbs living there had other ethnic minorities living around them and they wanted no part of being Serbs. Pan-Slavism was what the Serbs pushed but what would they have done if the Croats were the ones in charge? Chances are they would have started knocking off Croats.

                      Pruitt
                      Pruitt, you are truly an expert! Kelt06

                      Have you been struck by the jawbone of an ASS lately?

                      by Khepesh "This is the logic of Pruitt"

                      Comment


                      • #12
                        Originally posted by Pruitt View Post
                        I read once that one of the weapons seized was a grenade from a Serbian arsenal. Naturally it was so stamped. Why the Black Hand would use such a weapon, I can't say.
                        In The Origins of the World War, Fay quotes Wiesner that there was "hardly a doubt that the crime was resolved upon in Belgrade, and prepared with the cooperation of Serbian officials, Ciganovitch and Major Tankositch, who provided bombs, Brownings, ammunition and cyanide of potassium."

                        Fay further notes:

                        " . . . that the bombs came from the Kragujevac arsenal, and that the three assassins with bombs and weapons upon them, were secretly smuggled across the frontier to Bosnia by Serbian agencies through the assistance of Ciganovitch and the frontier captains at Shabats and Loznica."

                        As to the question of what did Pasitch know and when did he know it, we have this revealing 1924 statement from M. Jovanovitch:

                        "At the outbreak of the World War, I was Minister of Education in M. Nikola Pasitch’s Cabinet. I have recently written down some of my recollections and some notes on the events of those days. For the present occasion I have chosen from them a few extracts, because the time is not yet come for everything to be disclosed. I do not remember whether it was at the end of May or the beginning of June, when one day M. Pasitch said to us (he conferred on these matters more particularly with Stojan Protich, who was then Minister of the Interior; but this much he said to the rest of us) that certain persons were making ready to go to Sarajevo to murder Franz Ferdinand who was to go there to be solemnly received on St. Vitus’ Day. As the told me afterwards, this plot was hatched by a group of secretly organized persons and by patriotic Bosno-Herzegovinian students in Belgrade. M. Pasitch and the rest of us said, and Stojan agreed, that he should issue instructions to the frontier authorities on the Drina to prevent the crossing over of the youths who had already set out from Belgrade for that purpose. But the frontier authorities themselves belonged to the organization and did not carry out Stojan’s instructions, but reported to him (as he afterwards told us) that the instructions had reached them too late, because the youths had already crossed over."


                        The statement aroused a storm of controversy as it was the first evidence that the Pasitch Cabinet had prior knowledge of the murder plot and made no effort to warn Austria. The pro-Serb historian Seton-Watson traveled to Serbia to demand an explanation from Jovanovitch, or failing that, to force the Serbian government to repudiate Jovanovitch’s statement. But Seton-Watson demanded in vain. He wrote:

                        “It is now more than two months since I requested the Belgrade Government to clear up those statements which Mr. Ljuba Jovanovitch made some time ago concerning the Sarajevo murders. But I have never yet received any answer . . .”

                        Pasitch’s eventual denial was so unconvincing that it actually served to confirm Jovanovitch’s statement and to confirm that, indeed, the Pasitch Cabinet did have prior knowledge and chose to ignore it.

                        (For more on this and other topics, see my website at www.ourcenturybook.com)
                        "We have met the enemy and he is us." Pogo

                        Comment


                        • #13
                          Originally posted by peterhof View Post
                          At the Congress of Berlin in June, 1878, Austria-Hungary was given administrative control of the Serb-populated provinces of Bosnia-Herzegovina. It was here that Isvolsky would first learn to wield the weapon of pan-Slav nationalism - his particular specialty. Serbian nationalist societies were founded; anti-Austrian literature was widely distributed; Greater-Serbia propagandists had free reign, and assassination attempts became commonplace.
                          By 1908, unrest in the provinces had reached such a pitch that stability in Austria itself was threatened. Austria was faced with the choice of annexing the provinces so that Austrian law could be brought to bear, or watching the situation spin out of control. It was an unhappy choice as annexation would be unpopular with the Powers and would mean certain war with Serbia and possibly Russia. But when Isvolsky came forward with his grand bargain: Bosnia/Hercegovina in return for Russian ship passage through the Straits, Aehrenthal saw his chance. The rest, as they say, is history.
                          I understand your point, since 'releasing' Bosnia-Herzegovina to its 'independence' would have started a free-for-all in terms of who takes over B-H between Italy, Serbia and the other powers. However, by sticking their nose into B-H Austria smashed a hornet's nest in 1908.

                          This was made worse by Aehrenthal's violation of his agreement with Isvolsky. An agreement which Isvolsky had explained and palmed off as in exchange for the Straits to his government. When Austrian support was not forthcoming, it was another petrolcan on an already simmering fire. Once the Balkan Wars had started, war between the two alliances was inevitable.
                          Last edited by Nickuru; 05 Nov 12, 07:51. Reason: spelling
                          When looking for the reason why things go wrong, never rule out stupidity, Murphy's Law Nº 8
                          Those who do not remember history are doomed to repeat it. George Santayana
                          "Ach du schwein" a German parrot captured at Bukoba GEA the only prisoner taken

                          Comment


                          • #14
                            I understand your point, since 'releasing' Bosnia-Herzegovina to its 'independence' would have started a free-for-all in terms of who takes over B-H between Italy, Serbia and the other powers. However, by sticking their nose into B-H Austria smashed a hornet's nest in 1908.
                            The Austrians controlled the provinces from the 1870's and it is difficult to imagine they’d be giving them up to the likes of Serbia. That being said, the annexations were a bad idea and they should have continued on with the status quo.

                            This was made worse by Aehrenthal's violation of his agreement with Isvolsky. An agreement which Isvolsky had explained and palmed off as in exchange for the Straits to his government.
                            Austria violated no agreement.

                            The Russians had concluded they had no legal right to prevent an annexation and tried to get something for nothing. Isvolsky asked for their support for a revision of the straights and Austria said, sure. Isvolsky then found in London and Paris that his proposal was not going to happen and then realized he’d miscalculated the Pan-Slavic mood as well. None of this was Vienna’s problem, the Austrians said, sorry about your luck, chuck and proceeded with what they intended to do, and had never promised to not do. Austria would never, not in a million years, have promised not to annex the provinces until Russia secured a revision of the Straights agreement.

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                            • #15
                              Apis probably hoped to fund some kind of revolt, but he was certainly not ordered by the government.
                              Why would the Serbian government order Apis to do something there is no credible evidence he did and no credible evidence that the terrorists hatched the plot on anyone's whim, save their own?

                              Some kids from Bosnia went to Belgrade and got weapons from Tankosic and Cignanovic. The revolvers were Serbian state arsenal, with no evidence that Apis had the authority to acquire them nor any evidence he was involved in their being issued, and the bombs were part of Cignovic’s private stash held over from insurgency operations in the 1912 war. Again, no evidence of Apis (or the state) being involved. Some kids went to Belgrade and then some army officers made some bad decisions. Nothing to do with Pasic, nothing to do with Apis. Once the plot was underway, one can presume that both Apis and Pasic were aware of it, but did not stop it.

                              Now that was an act of complicity to a crime, and for which Serbia could indeed be held severely responsible.
                              Last edited by Glenn239; 05 Nov 12, 11:59.

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